(May 31, 1999) Daniel Rosen, New York, NY USA
A New York Times article dated 5/28/99 reports that President Slobodan
Milosevic's indictment by the International Tribunal at The Hague was made
possible by intelligence information given by governments. From this article,
we can infer that this includes most probably information given by the CIA.
According to a previous New York Times article, the U.S Government withheld
this kind of intelligence information concerning a Croatian General who
bombed civilians in the Krajina region, leading to the exodus of 250,000
Serbs, who since then have not been able to relocate back to this area.
Milocevic was to be found culpable even if he did not commit or order
massacres. Since he had the power to control the army and he did not do all
that was in his power to prevent massacres he knew were being perpetrated, he
is considered culpable of crimes against humanity. This definition could
apply to president Tudjman of Croatia, who has openly professed pro-Nazi
ideas, and under whom the exodus of the Serbs from the Krajina region was
perpetrated.
Why did the United States withhold intelligence information against Croatian
leadership and not against the Serbian leadership? To have Tudjman, or one of
his generals indicted by the international tribunal, would shed light into US
responsibility into crimes against humanity perpetrated against the Serbs.
The selective and partial information provided by the CIA to the
international tribunal is an attempt to manipulate public opinion to support
NATO bombing on Belgrade, and to avoid remembering the exodus of the Serbs
from the Krajina region.
The dismemberment of the Soviet Union and the economic crisis in Japan and
Russia left the US as the only major military and economic superpower in the
world. To have only one dominant power can lead to abuses of power and
arrogance, as is the case for the US in Kosovo. The founders of the US
constitution, following Montesquieu's principle of separation of power, tried
very hard to establish a balance of power between an elected president, and
the elected members of the Senate and the House of Representatives. Without
any major power to challenge the United State, a US led NATO acted with
disdain toward Russia, which was not part of the Rambouillet discussions.
After almost two months of bombing, President Clinton finally acknowledged
that Russia had a role to play to resolve the conflict. In Rambouillet, NATO
requested disarmament of the Serbs in Kosovo and to have NATO occupy this
province. This would prelude another partition of Yugoslavia and the creation
of a KLA state in Kosovo, along with the exodus or massacre of the Serbs in
Kosovo. Under Russia's pressure, NATO finally agreed to reaffirm that Kosovo
should continue to be part of Yugoslavia. However, NATO provides refuge in
Albania for the KLA fighters and does not prevent them from returning and
attacking Serbs in Kosovo. This situation can only prolong the current
conflict, which started because the KLA attacked Serbs in Kosovo in order to
gain independence. Unless the KLA is eradicated, the civilian Serbs in Kosovo
will be in danger.
In order to achieve peace, NATO should disarm the KLA, prevent KLA
infiltration back to Kosovo, and should stop bombing Belgrade. Bombing
Belgrade and attacking the infrastructure of the country hurts the Serbian
civilians but does not help the ethnic Albanians in Kosovo. A negotiation
with Milocevic could lead to peace in Kosovo if NATO gives concrete
reassurance that the KLA threat over the Serbians is disappearing. This peace
should be monitored by non-NATO military observers, who will allow the safe
return of the ethnic Albanians to Kosovo. The Yugoslav army should stay in
Kosovo at a reduced number in order to protect the Serbian minority from a
KLA resurgence, and in order to assure that Kosovo stays part of Yugoslavia.
Public opinion in US is showing a growing concerns about NATO bombing. The
latest example was provided by a recent article from former President Carter
in the New York Times, and by Cardinal O'connor's Memorial Day sermon. Public
opinion could shift further if the protest