(May 31, 1999) Daniel Rosen, New York, NY USA
DearSerbia@aol.com
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World Wide Demonstrations June 5th

A New York Times article dated 5/28/99 reports that President Slobodan Milosevic's indictment by the International Tribunal at The Hague was made possible by intelligence information given by governments. From this article, we can infer that this includes most probably information given by the CIA. According to a previous New York Times article, the U.S Government withheld this kind of intelligence information concerning a Croatian General who bombed civilians in the Krajina region, leading to the exodus of 250,000 Serbs, who since then have not been able to relocate back to this area.

Milocevic was to be found culpable even if he did not commit or order massacres. Since he had the power to control the army and he did not do all that was in his power to prevent massacres he knew were being perpetrated, he is considered culpable of crimes against humanity. This definition could apply to president Tudjman of Croatia, who has openly professed pro-Nazi ideas, and under whom the exodus of the Serbs from the Krajina region was perpetrated.

Why did the United States withhold intelligence information against Croatian leadership and not against the Serbian leadership? To have Tudjman, or one of his generals indicted by the international tribunal, would shed light into US responsibility into crimes against humanity perpetrated against the Serbs. The selective and partial information provided by the CIA to the international tribunal is an attempt to manipulate public opinion to support NATO bombing on Belgrade, and to avoid remembering the exodus of the Serbs from the Krajina region.

The dismemberment of the Soviet Union and the economic crisis in Japan and Russia left the US as the only major military and economic superpower in the world. To have only one dominant power can lead to abuses of power and arrogance, as is the case for the US in Kosovo. The founders of the US constitution, following Montesquieu's principle of separation of power, tried very hard to establish a balance of power between an elected president, and the elected members of the Senate and the House of Representatives. Without any major power to challenge the United State, a US led NATO acted with disdain toward Russia, which was not part of the Rambouillet discussions.

After almost two months of bombing, President Clinton finally acknowledged that Russia had a role to play to resolve the conflict. In Rambouillet, NATO requested disarmament of the Serbs in Kosovo and to have NATO occupy this province. This would prelude another partition of Yugoslavia and the creation of a KLA state in Kosovo, along with the exodus or massacre of the Serbs in Kosovo. Under Russia's pressure, NATO finally agreed to reaffirm that Kosovo should continue to be part of Yugoslavia. However, NATO provides refuge in Albania for the KLA fighters and does not prevent them from returning and attacking Serbs in Kosovo. This situation can only prolong the current conflict, which started because the KLA attacked Serbs in Kosovo in order to gain independence. Unless the KLA is eradicated, the civilian Serbs in Kosovo will be in danger.

In order to achieve peace, NATO should disarm the KLA, prevent KLA infiltration back to Kosovo, and should stop bombing Belgrade. Bombing Belgrade and attacking the infrastructure of the country hurts the Serbian civilians but does not help the ethnic Albanians in Kosovo. A negotiation with Milocevic could lead to peace in Kosovo if NATO gives concrete reassurance that the KLA threat over the Serbians is disappearing. This peace should be monitored by non-NATO military observers, who will allow the safe return of the ethnic Albanians to Kosovo. The Yugoslav army should stay in Kosovo at a reduced number in order to protect the Serbian minority from a KLA resurgence, and in order to assure that Kosovo stays part of Yugoslavia.

Public opinion in US is showing a growing concerns about NATO bombing. The latest example was provided by a recent article from former President Carter in the New York Times, and by Cardinal O'connor's Memorial Day sermon. Public opinion could shift further if the protest